Nelson Mandela Centre for Peace & Conflict Resolution

Exploring social, economic, cultural, structural and political factors which have engendered and further complicated this prolonged conflict in India, the paper utilizes Johan Galtung's Triangle approach to get a bigger picture of this conflict.

The paper illustrates the determinants which prevented the United Nations to take a decisive action in preventing the 1994 Rwandan Genocide and  how the major players in the international system, mainly France, Britain and the U.S., influenced UN'S decisions because of their own certain national interest.

India and China are concerns for each other. Apart from international politics, it is the South Asian politics that trigger India and China face off on border issues. Sino-Indian relations are in a state of disrepair at the end of 2017, is not news. If 2016 was marked by China’s decision to block India’s entry into the Nuclear Suppliers Group, 2017 was defined by an extended military confrontation in the Doklam plateau (Mohan, 2017). The issue was reported extensively on both traditional and new media. The purpose of this research was to study how the news websites DD News(India) and People’s Daily (China) of democratic and Communist regimes reported the Doklam issue. This research paper used the content analysis method to analyse the news stories published from June 16 onwards till September end. Some of the categories that this paper attempted to study were: lead (how they put up the issue), number of news stories appeared, videos and graphics used in the news stories.

The ideas of political and legal accommodation of ethnic diversity first emerged in the West as an agent for replacing older forms of citizenship with the new ideas of democratic citizenship. Multiculturalism has been the central idea of the world in which we live today. However, scholars like Will Kymlicka have often argued that since the mid 1990s, we have seen a back lash and retreat from multiculturalism-and even a call for the return of assimilation model. In the last few decades, the discourse about the failure of multiculturalism has percolated in the mainstream political discourse of many nation-states of Europe. Events like 2005 riots in Paris as well as series of terrorist attacks have led to resentment against the multicultural policies in Europe, making France no exception. Immigration and Islam had been the important factors in making multiculturalism in France more of assimilation of diversified culture. The long touted Republican philosophy has been fundamentally successful in keeping the ethnic demands and claims, for group rights, away from the political sphere. Citizenship has now closely been linked to nationality in France. Hence, it is of imperative concern to understand the consequences of these policies on the minorities. The purpose of this research is to find out how far the theory of multicultural society has worked in practice in the French context. This paper highlights the history of France as a multicultural nation and the dynamics of the shift from multicultural policies to the Republican model of citizenship. Attempts are made to focus on the impact of French citizenship model on minorities in different spheres of politics, education, religion and sports.

United States' hegemony has been the most peculiar feature of the post-Cold War international order. In the view of the United States primacy in a unipolar system that was created in the aftermath of Cold War, the United States enjoyed an unprecedented dominance over the material resource that it claimed. Not only material but the West, particularly the United States enjoyed hegemony over the information flow as well which led to the demand of a new world information communication order or as it came to be known ubiquitously as NWICO by the third world nations. However, the reality now stands challenged with the rise of China. Both the countries have been able to utilize the soft power of media within and outside their boundaries and the agenda setting theory have proved beneficial for both the sides. As the United States struggles to maintain its presence in Asia, it is of imperative concern to understand the dynamics of the United States interaction with Asian states like China, India and Pakistan which could ultimately tip off the balance of power. The purpose of this research is to study the dynamics of the afore mentioned relationship from the perspective of media. Hence, this research analyzes the portrayal of the United States in the press of China (China Daily), India (The Hindu) and Pakistan (Dawn). This research paper uses the content analysis method to analyze the information pieces which includes editorials, news stories and opinion articles from December 2017 onwards till February 2018. The themes that are developed for the purpose of this study are: United States economic policies and trade practices, United States foreign policy and international relations, Donald Trump's leadership and related controversies and Trump's administration and United States politics. This research proves media as an equivalent to military might and provides another perspective to the balance of power theory in contemporary times.

On March 6th 1992, when hundreds of Kar Sevaks marched on the streets of Ayodhya to ‘avenge’ the injustices of their ancestors and to ‘reclaim’ the land of the controversial Babri Masjid, a 16th century mosque built by the first Mughal Emperor Babur on the alleged birthplace of Lord Rama(a mythical Hindu King), there was a political mobilization of what the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh(RSS) and other Hindu nationalist organisations had been trying to construct, albeit in a restricted geo-political sense limited to what is colloquially known as the cow-belt of India, largely comprising of the Hindi speaking, Hindu majority states of Uttar Pradesh,  Gujarat, Rajasthan, Haryana, Bihar, etc. Cut to 2014 and consequently to 2017, after the thumping electoral victory of the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, the very site of the mythical Ram Janmabhoomi,  one can with a fair degree of certainty say that the Hindu nationalist movement and its political project of fashioning India into a Hindu Rashtra(a Hindu state) is well on its way. So why did the Nehruvian consensus unravel so easily following the rise of ethno nationalist movements in the late eightees and how did it so quickly marry with its ethnic majority assertion, a ubiquitous nationalism of sorts that isn’t just outward projecting against a perceived ‘other’, which in Indian Union’s case has been the constant threat of the neighboring country of Pakistan against which virtually all governments have fear-mongered, but also inward looking in so far as it sees the project of Indian nationalism as a struggle against certain ethnic communities within Indian Union’s territory.